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War child: "I´ve moved, my rights haven't" (Towards a global action plan for children forced to flee)
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We live in a world in which 28 million children have been driven from their
homes as a result of conflict, persecution and insecurity¹. If current trends
continue, more than 63 million children could be forced to flee by 2025², of
which over 25 million will cross borders and become refugees. At
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least
300,000 of these child refugees will end up alone, separated from their
families³. Without a step-change in the provision of education for refugee
children, at least 12 million of them will be out of school by 2025⁴.
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The adoption and the entry into force of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol challenge such attitudes and mark a profound shift in existing approaches towards disability.
The Government of Myanmar has taken initial steps to implement some of the
recommendations, particularly those made by the Advisory Commission. The overarching
objectives of the recommendations, however, remain largely unaddressed, with no
significant progress observed on human rights concerns ra
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ised in previous reports
submitted to the Human Rights Council. The High Commissioner recommends that the
Government of Myanmar take action to ensure compliance with its international human
rights obligations.
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The report depicts the reality of forced displacement as a developing world crisis with implications for sustainable growth: 95 percent of the displaced live in developing countries and over half are in displacement for more than four years. To help the displaced, the report suggests ways to rebuild
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their lives with dignity through development support, focusing on their vulnerabilities such as loss of assets and lack of legal rights and opportunities. It also examines how to help host communities that need to manage the sudden arrival of large numbers of displaced people, under pressure to expand services, create jobs and address long-standing development issues.
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ABOUT THE REPORT
Based on more than seventy interviews, surveys of both mainstream and social media in Myanmar, and a desk review of available election-related materials, this report evaluates the environment in which the current electoral cycle, Rakhine conflicts, and the 21st Century Panglong pea
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ce process intersect and identifies opportunities for mitigating conflict risks in the lead-up to the 2020 Myanmar election.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Mary Callahan is an associate professor in the Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies at the University of Washington. Myo Zaw Oo is an independent researcher focusing on conflict and elections.
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This paper aims to contribute to the reflection on effective practices to address protracted displacement, in support of the GP20 Plan of Action roll-out. It expands on the research conducted by Walter Kälin and Hannah Entwisle Chapuisat for the 2017 OCHA-commissioned study Breaking the Impasse: Re
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ducing Protracted Internal Displacement as a Collective Outcome.1 That study provided a comprehensive picture of the impact of protracted internal displacement, as well as five country case studies in contexts of conflict and disasters.It also offered a road map for addressing such displacement through seven steps, including conducting joint analysis and defining collective outcomes.
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Continuing a worrying decade-long rising trend, the number of people forced to flee due to persecution, conflict, violence, human rights violations and events seriously disturbing public order climbed to 89.3 million by the end of 2021. This is more than double the 42.7 million people who remained f
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orcibly displaced at the end of 2012 and represents a sharp 8 per cent increase of almost 7 million people in the span of just 12 months. As a result, above one per cent of the world’s population – or 1 in 88 people – were forcibly displaced at the end of 2021. This compares with 1 in 167 at the end of 2012. During 2021, some 1.7 million people crossed international borders seeking protection and 14.4 million new displacements within their countries were reported. This is a dramatic increase from the combined 11.2 million a year earlier.
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In the post-colonial history of the Central African Republic, violence has often been the shortest way to presidential power. President Bozizé presented little deviation from this narrative after coming to power after a coup d’état in 2003. Whilst he faced armed opposition and a conflict-affecte
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d northwest from the outset, it is not until the rise of the Séléka, that the CAR entered into an era of unprecedented violence.
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Auslandaufenthalte Ausgabe 2, Juli 2019.
Ob aus humanitären, aus entwicklungspolitischen und volkswirtschaftlichen Gründen oder auch aus Gründen des Eigeninteresses – die Ausbreitung von Krankheiten einzudämmen, ist notwendig. Wir haben als Staatengemeinschaft dafür eine gemeinsame Verantwor
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tung“, sagte Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel im Mai 2019 in Berlin. Nicht nur dieses Zitat zeigt: Aufbau und Schutz einer globalen Gesundheitsarchitektur rücken zunehmend in den Fokus der internationalen Staatengemeinschaft und Deutschland spielt dabei eine zentrale Rolle.
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After almost eight bloody years, the war in Syria finally appears to be reaching the endgame. The Assad regime controls some two-thirds of the country. In the northwest, the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has launched an offensive against opposition-controlled Idlib governorate under the
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cover of a brutal Russian bombing campaign. Upwards of 3 million Syrians in Idlib are under threat. Meanwhile, in northeast Syria, the Syrian Democratic Forces—the Syrian Kurdish dominated militia backed by the United States—have dislodged the Islamic State and now control one-third of the country. However, the humanitarian situation in the northeast remains extremely fragile and could deteriorate quickly. Indeed, over a third of the 4 million people in this area need humanitarian assistance and some 600,000 are displaced.
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Research Paper.
As the fighting in Syria winds down, international humanitarian organisations (IHOs) operating from Damascus are hopeful that the Syrian government’s interference in their work will decrease. However, the government is attempting to formalise its influence over humanitarian operat
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ions.
Throughout the Syrian conflict, the government has imposed multiple administrative processes on humanitarian organisations to limit their ability to operate independently. This includes restricting the operational environment; undermining organisational independence; imposing local partners; influencing procurement procedures; and preventing direct monitoring and evaluation.
While some level of coordination with the government might be a pragmatic necessity to ensure the safety of operations in regime-controlled areas, this cooperation should not enable the government to use aid for military or political purposes. Consequently, international humanitarian organisations have an ethical dilemma in how they provide aid in these areas without undermining their principles of humanity, independence, impartiality and neutrality.
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